This is not a review of Edmund de Waal’s excellent, absorbing non-fiction book, The Hare with Amber Eyes. Since I started writing reviews on this blog, I have mainly concentrated on works that are not particularly well-known (at least in the English-speaking world), but the commercial and critical success de Waal enjoyed with this book means that anyone wanting to read a review of it can easily find several to choose from, so I don’t see much need to add to those. What I want to do here, instead, is explore some questions that occurred to me while reading the book―questions that I don’t think have been adequately covered in the reviews I have read.
Tracing the history of a collection of 264 netsuke (small, finely carved objects serving as toggles in Japan from the 17th century to the adoption of Western-style dress) acquired by the author’s ancestor, Charles Ephrussi, in the late 19th century, de Waal relates how the collection was saved from the depredations of the Nazis thanks to the clandestine act of a loyal servant; after the war, the netsuke found their way back to Japan in the care of the author’s Uncle Iggie and his partner Jiro; after Jiro’s death, they were bequeathed to de Waal himself, who installed them in his house in London. Thus, while the riches, houses, paintings and objets d’art of the Ephrussi family, acquired during their rise from Odesa merchants to powerful European bankers, were largely dissipated by the middle of the 20th century, the netsuke have remained within the family, safe to be passed on to the next generation (or so the reader might assume at the end of the book).
It was the following passage that prompted the thoughts that led to this blog piece:
‘Don’t you think those netsuke should stay in Japan?’ said a stern neighbour of mine in London. And I find I am shaking as I answer, because this matters.
I tell her that there are plenty of netsuke in the world, sitting in velvet-lined trays in dealers’ cabinets off Bond Street or Madison Avenue, Keizergracht or the Ginza. Then I get a bit side-tracked onto the Silk Road, and then onto Alexander the Great’s coins still being in circulation in the Hindu Kush in the nineteenth century. I tell her about travelling with my partner Sue in Ethiopia, and finding an old Chinese jar covered in dust in a market town and trying to work out how it had got there.
No, I answer. Objects have always been carried, sold, bartered, stolen, retrieved and lost. People have always given gifts. It is how you tell their stories that matters.
I find myself in almost full agreement with the sentiments de Waal expresses here. The neighbour’s moralistic sniffiness seems to arise dimly out of the foolish notion that every artistic or cultural object ought to remain within the culture that produced it―that every Peruvian sculpture ought to remain in Peru, that every Ghanaian painting ought to remain in Ghana, that every Iranian dagger ought to remain in Iran. This is nuts, of course, and de Waal’s answer to his neighbour aptly shows why―but it’s not a comprehensive answer, as de Waal knows. It can’t be enough to justify the British Museum’s retention of the Benin Bronzes or the Elgin Marbles by saying ‘well, things move around a lot’; the misappropriation or outright theft of such treasures cannot be softened by any number of display texts that ‘tell their stories’ in ways that superficially acknowledge the injustice while clinging tenaciously onto the spoils. Elsewhere, de Waal has said that there are clearly cases when Western collections should indeed return items; in an interview for the Daily Telegraph in 2020, he cites the Benin bronzes as ‘objects of colonial pillage’. It might seem simple enough to cover all bases by saying that pieces are held illegitimately when they have been acquired through plunder, chicanery, or exploitation, and that objects of special religious or cultural significance should also be returned, but that objects acquired openly and transparently, in the absence of abuses of power, can be legitimately owned by collections far removed from their source cultures. The netsuke in de Waal’s London home are not rare, they were not stolen, and there is no great campaign in Japan for them to repatriated, so while one may regret their being in private ownership rather than in a museum, there doesn’t, on the face of it, seem to be a good reason to conclude that they ‘belong’ more properly in Japan than in Britain.
And yet…
One of the best passages in de Waal’s book comes when the author’s aunt Elisabeth returns to Vienna after the war, seeking to discover what has happened to her family’s belongings (a not terribly successful mission, apart from the restored netsuke). With breathtaking cynicism, the Austrian government declared the country a victim rather than a perpetrator, sweeping aside the enthusiastic embrace of Nazism by the many Austrians who welcomed union with Germany. Returning Jews, on the other hand, were greeted with suspicion, as if their return to the country that had persecuted them was itself a form of vengeful persecution. An honest reckoning with the country’s wartime role and a restitution of property stolen from Jews were hardly at the forefront of the government’s agenda; instead, as de Waal curtly notes, the ‘democratic Austrian Republic established after the war gave an amnesty to 90 per cent of members of the Nazi Party in 1948, and to the SS and Gestapo by 1957’. Elisabeth later wrote a novel, The Exiles Return, which drew on her dispiriting experiences of returning to the city of her childhood. In this novel (unpublished at the time de Waal’s book first appeared, but now made available by the Persephone Press), a character who has snapped up a painting that once belonged to a deceased Jewish baron defends himself by saying that the painting was purchased ‘[a]ll quite openly, publicly and legally, you understand’. That phrase―openly, publicly and legally―is a moral dodge that serves as a convenient emollient to the pangs of conscience; it might also remind us that there may instances when art and artefacts are acquired, not through any obviously coercive or underhanded means, but in a manner that is not quite beyond reproach.
In de Waal’s book, one defeated nation is contrasted with another. Once the netsuke are returned to Elisabeth, she gives them to her brother Iggie, who takes them to Japan when he moves there as a businessman. De Waal relates how, in the aftermath of the war, impoverished families sell off their heirlooms for a pittance, which leads to a booming market in objects both genuine and fake. Soldiers and tourists buy antiques at bargain prices―openly, publicly and legally, perhaps, but not altogether ethically as they benefit from misery and uncertainty. Japan, de Waal writes becomes ‘a country to plunder, a country full of attractive objects […] Japanese stuff was so cheap, so abundant’. Among those taking advantage of this bonanza born of desperation is Iggie himself, who guiltily admits to having bought a Ming Dynasty bowl for some Lucky Strikes; the author does not spare his generally likeable uncle from his critique of the opportunistic acquisitiveness of Western buyers, even if Iggie goes on to develop a far deeper and more lasting relationship with Japan than followers of superficial fashion who fall for every touristic cliché about the country and its culture.*
The post-war trade in Japanese art is, in the book, paralleled with the earlier taste for Japonaiseries that became something of a frenzy in late 19th-century France; it was in the midst of this frenzy that Charles Ephrussi purchased the netsuke, bringing them into the family. De Waal is even more stinging here about the rapacity of Western buyers than he is later about their 20th-century successors. One of the most prominent dealers, Philippe Sichel, is frank about his indifference to Japanese life and society, intent as he is on making a killing through snaffling up lacquers, scrolls and carvings for sale in Europe at inflated prices. De Waal quotes Sichel as describing Japan as a ‘treasure trove’, with streets ‘lined with shops of curious, textiles and pawn goods’ and sellers willing to part with their prizes ‘for just a box of children’s sweets’―a set of circumstances that provokes in Sichel ‘the urge ‘d’évaliser le Japon’ – to plunder or rape the country’.** De Waal lays bare the callous and exploitative greed of men such as Sichel.
The stories of destitute daimyos selling their heirlooms, samurai their swords, dancers their bodies – and passers-by their netsuke – became a story of endless possibility. Anyone would sell you anything. Japan existed as a sort of parallel country of licensed gratification, artistic, commercial and sexual.
De Waal knows that Charles bought the netsuke as a group from Sichel, but there is much that is unknown about the purchase, not least how much Charles paid. More importantly, how Sichel acquired them is also unknown. How much did he pay? Presumably, it was much less than his selling price. Who did he buy them from? What did he know about them? At what point were these disparate objects incorporated into a single collection? Given this murkiness and the author’s clear distaste for Sichel’s commercial activities, it is striking that de Waal never really considers the possibility of some stain, however slight, attaching to his family’s continued ownership of the netsuke. He seems, at a few points, to teeter on the edge of considering such a possibility. An off-hand comment about Charles’s youthful ‘plundering of Italian art dealers’ might be a recognition of a tendency in his ancestor towards acquisition unhindered by scruple. Later, after describing the Ming bowl disreputably obtained by his uncle, de Waal wonders who had to sell it―i.e. what poverty-driven torments forced its Japanese owner to part with it? The Japanese owner[s] of the netsuke need not have been impoverished, but it seems likely that they were at least cheated by not being told of the value they would fetch in France. If we remember the phrase from Elisabeth’s novel, her ancestor Charles’s acquirement of the collection might well appear legal, but it is not so certain it can be called open and public; if the full phrase can be applied, at least a hint of Elisabeth’s acidity is surely warranted.
There is another factor, briefly alluded to by de Waal, but seemingly without awareness of its implications. I refer to the circumstances that led to the French passion for Japonaiseries becoming possible on such scale. De Waal notes in passing that ‘the Black Ships of the American Commodore Perry opened Japan up to trade with the rest of the world in 1854’ and, later, that the majority of the netsuke in the Ephrussi collection ‘were carved before the coming of Commodore Perry’. The event in question is a quintessential example of gunboat diplomacy: the use of American naval might to force the end of the Tokugawa shogunate’s policy of isolation. For more than two hundred years, Japanese interaction with other countries had been limited and foreign trade carried out under the strictest controls; Commodore Matthew C. Perry, arriving with warships and guns, swept all this aside without having to spill a drop of blood―the show of force was sufficient. The exposure of the government’s weakness was followed by years of violence that culminated in the downfall of the shogunate system and the return of the Emperor to political power; it was in the wake of this massive upheaval that the increase in exports that enabled French aesthetes to develop the cult of Japonisme took place. When Philippe Sichel began his plundering, he was taking advantage of a situation of rapid change, industrialisation, social reform and uncertainty. Of course, it can be argued that isolation under the shogunate was not the expression of the will of the people but the determination of a reactionary elite to cling onto its power (and isolationism had opponents within Japan), but that is beside the point. Japan’s participation in international commerce was enforced through the threat of military destruction; de Waal’s failure to mention this is a notable blind spot. Yes, more than twenty years separate Perry’s expedition and Charles Ephrussi’s acquisition of the netsuke, but as de Waal tells us, the vast majority of these netsuke were made before 1854 and were thus not made for export; the destitute daimyos and samurai selling off their belongings were made destitute as a result of the tumult that Perry initiated. Sichel profited from this tumult and Ephrussi satisfied his aesthete’s appetite for collecting on the back of Sichel’s profiting. If de Waal can quote with approval his aunt’s satirical skewering of the opportunistic acquisition of Jewish property and can chide Uncle Iggie for a not dissimilar display of opportunism, why is he apparently unable to acknowledge that Sichel’s undoubted opportunism implicates, to some degree, Charles’s purchase and thus his family’s continued ownership of the netsuke? Is such an acknowledgement made too painful by his attachment to the story he has to tell and by the sense of responsibility he feels as their current possessor?
There is a postscript. In 2018, de Waal gave the collection to the Jewish Museum of Vienna, on long-term loan―a return full of significance. Except the return was not complete, for 79 of the netsuke were auctioned off to raise money (nearly £80,000) for the Refugee Council. Both are handsome gestures, yet I cannot help but feel some regret that the collection has been separated like this. De Waal’s choice of museum implies a recognition that this group of netsuke has acquired a historical significance additional to the cultural and artistic worth they have as individual objects: the significance of being a surviving vestige of the possessions of a Jewish family once prominent in Viennese life before the Nazis drove them into exile―a significance diminished, even if only slightly, by their being broken up. Those 79 netsuke are now likely scattered forever, which must be felt as a loss. There is some irony in the fact that the man who told the story of these netsuke―who established, in the public consciousness, their significance as a collection―and who wrote of his great responsibility of being their owner should be the one to split them up. But how much should one complain about this? The remaining 185 are on public display in a most apposite choice of venue, where, according to de Waal’s stipulation, visitors are able to touch as well as view them. Moreover, de Waal, in his book, is very clear that the importance of art is not to be ranked alongside the importance of human lives; the fact that the netsuke survived the Nazis is of trivial importance when set against the memory of all the people who did not survive. The thought that refugees facing the most horrendous ordeals and vicious prejudice have benefited from a proportion of the collection being sold off is perhaps the most fitting tribute to the Ephrussi story.
*As a side note, it is interesting how de Waal portrays Japan in this section as a victim of imperialistic American insensitivity. Japan’s failure to acknowledge its responsibility for acts of the most appalling inhumanity has, in the long term, been more obdurate and damaging than Austria’s, but though de Waal views Austrian claims to victimhood with a jaundiced eye, there’s no hint of that in the way he writes about post-war Japan. Is it the horror of Hiroshima and Nagasaki that makes the difference? Or a tendency to view Japanese imperial aggression as somehow less political and ideological than its Nazi counterpart?
**There seems to be a printing error here, as the word in Sichel’s Notes d’un bibeloteur au Japon is dévaliser, rather than [d’]évaliser (which means to evaluate). Perhaps this is particular to the Kindle edition.




















